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The park and the commons: vernacular spaces for everyday participation and cultural value

机译:公园和公共场所:日常参与和文化价值的乡土空间

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摘要

Public parks were first established in the UK in the newly industrialised cities of Manchester and Salford, as nineteenth century cultural strategies for public health, regulation and education responding to moral anxieties about the changing conditions of everyday life. This article looks at public parks as vernacular spaces for everyday participation, drawing on empirical research, including ethnographic fieldwork, household interviews and focus groups, and community engagement conducted for the Manchester-Salford ecosystem case study of the ‘Understanding Everyday Participation – Articulating Cultural Value’ (UEP) project [Miles & Gibson, 2016. Everyday participation and cultural value. Cultural Trends, 5(3), 151–157]. It considers narratives of participation [Miles, 2016. Telling tales of participation: Exploring the interplay of time and territory in cultural boundary work using participation narratives. Cultural Trends, 5, 182–193], which reveal how parks are valued and recognised as community assets and spaces for both tolerance and distinction, where different communities can meet, become visible, and perform shared and distinct cultural identities [Low et al., 2005. Rethinking Urban Parks, Public Space and Cultural Diversity. Austin: University of Texas Press]. It draws on the conceptual device of ‘the commons’, defined as a dynamic and collective resource that stands in tension with commodified and privatised space [Gidwani & Baviskar, 2011. Urban Commons Review of Urban Affairs: Economic & Political Weekly, Volume XLVI No. 50 December 10, 2011. http://www.epw.in/journal/2011/50/review-urban-affairs-review-issues-specials/urban-commons.html]., to explore how parks present opportunities for civic participation through contemporary processes of ‘commoning’ [Linebaugh, 2014. The Magna Carta Manifesto: Liberties and Commons for All. Berkeley: University of California Press]. I argue that parks are also subject to contemporary forms of enclosure through social exclusion and physical closure, which impact on the likely success of current policy imperatives for community asset transfer and alternative management models.
机译:公园最初是在英国曼彻斯特和索尔福德等新兴工业城市中建立的,作为十九世纪的公共卫生,法规和教育文化战略,旨在应对人们对日常生活条件不断变化的道德焦虑。本文将公园作为日常参与的白话空间,并利用实证研究,包括人种志田野调查,家庭访谈和焦点小组,以及针对“了解日常参与-阐明文化价值”的曼彻斯特-索尔福德生态系统案例研究进行的社区参与。 (UEP)项目[Miles&Gibson,2016。日常参与和文化价值。文化趋势,5(3),151–157]。它考虑了参与的叙事[Miles,2016年。讲述参与的故事:使用参与性叙事探讨时间和领土在文化边界工作中的相互作用。 《文化趋势》,第5卷,第182-193页],揭示了公园是如何被重视和认可为社区资产和容忍与区分的空间,在这里不同的社区可以相遇,可见并表现出共同的独特文化身份[Low等。 ,2005年。《重新思考城市公园,公共空间和文化多样性》。奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社]。它借鉴了“公地”的概念性工具,“公地”是一种动态的集体资源,与商品化和私有化的空间息息相关[Gidwani&Baviskar,2011。 。2011年12月50日。http://www.epw.in/journal/2011/50/review-urban-affairs-review-issues-specials/urban-commons.html],以探讨公园如何为人们提供机会通过“共通”的当代进程来实现公民参与[Linebaugh,2014年。《大宪章》宣言:人人享有自由和下议院。伯克利:加利福尼亚大学出版社]。我认为,公园还受到社会排斥和物质封闭的当代封闭形式的影响,这影响了当前用于社区资产转移和替代管理模式的政策要求的可能成功。

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    Gilmore, Abigail;

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  • 年度 2017
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